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Modern liberalism begins in the forgetting of the English Revolution. Anatomy of Failure seeks to right that wrong by exploring the concept of political action, playing its history against its philosophy.
The 1640s are a period of institutional failure and political disaster: the country plunges into civil war, every agent is naked. Established procedures are thrown aside and the very grounds for action are fiercely debated and recast. Five queries emerge in the experience of the New Model Army, five queries that outline an anatomy of failure, isolating the points at which actors disagree, conflict flares up, and alliances dissolve: Who can act? On what grounds? Who is right about what is to be done? Why do we succeed or fail? If you and I split, were we ever united, and to what end? The application of these questions to the Leveller-agitator writings, and then to Thomas Hobbes and John Locke's philosophies, generates models of political action. No mere philosophical abstractions, the Hobbesian and Lockean models of sovereign and contractual action have dominated the very practice of politics for centuries. Today it is time to recuperate the Leveller-agitator model of joint action, a model unique in its adequacy to the threat of failure and in its vocation for building the common-wealth.
Anatomy of Failure is ideal for upper-level undergraduates and postgraduates taking courses in Contemporary Political Philosophy, Continental Philosophy, Modern European Philosophy, Contemporary French Philosophy, Critical Theory and Radical Political Thought.
- Sales Rank: #2596204 in eBooks
- Published on: 2013-03-14
- Released on: 2013-03-14
- Format: Kindle eBook
Review
Staged with theatrical flair, Oliver Feltham's new book about the relation between principled ideals and political realities avoids the twin perils of 'angelic critique or servile apology', and finds in the fragile but revolutionary alliance of the Levellers and the New Model Army some answers to perennial questions about the relation between right and might. -- Peter Hallward, Professor of Modern European Philosophy at Kingston University London, UK and author of The Will of the People (2013) Feltham's analysis...is by turns illuminating and breath-taking. His erudition ranges effortlessly over the complete works of Hobbes, Locke and Spinoza. He reconstructs, with economy and accuracy, the de-substantialisation of classical conceptions of action and the modern transfer of the ability to act to judicial and political institutions... This is a book that is materialist and rationalist--an enlightenment work--yet refreshingly original and strikingly assured... It is sharply written--concise and accessible, yet without condescension, sometimes personal, never scholastic--because it is conscious of being the start of something important. This is a new approach within political philosophy to the imbrication of historical action and philosophical conceptuality, one that refuses the "siren's lure" of the concept of practice, yet responds to some of the same imperatives as the philosophy of praxis. Perhaps it should be described as a cetology of the Leviathan, written from the perspective of sympathy for the harpooner. -- Geoff Boucher, Deakin University, Melbourne, Australia Anatomy of Failure is an intriguing philosophical inquiry. It pursues an ambitious methodological approach that avoids the idealism, or transcendentalism, of the political philosophy that philosophers like Raymond Geuss and Amartya Sen have criticized recently. Its reconstructive method is closely attuned to actual political practice, but strives to refrain from vindicating the status quo. Therefore it focuses on those moments of political rupture in which many sorts of political practice represent themselves as forms of critique of the dominant political order. This is an appealing approach, and Feltham shows how well it works for "unveiling the forgotten model" (p. 251) of joint action. -- Julian Culp, Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main (Germany) Notre Dame Philosophical Review
About the Author
Oliver Feltham is Associate Professor of Philosophy at the American University of Paris, France.
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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Striking out in an original direction
By Geoff Boucher
Towards the end of Oliver Feltham's Anatomy of Failure, he describes the moment of insight that led to this book. "One day in the train, I was taking notes on Moby Dick for a conference in Lisbon, and just before my stop I stumbled on [this] passage: `How vain and foolish, then, thought I, for timid untravelled man to try to comprehend aright this wondrous whale, by merely poring over his dead, attenuated skeleton, stretched in this peaceful wood. ... No, only in the heart of quickest perils; only when, within the eddyings of his angry flukes; only in the profound and unbounded sea, can the fully invested whale be truly and livingly found out'. ... I scribbled notes into the novel and tumbled out of the train into the winter air. ... Action encounters the absolute in the mouth of the event, in heart of its quickest perils. The truth of action is found out in the disaster of its occurrence. ... An anatomy of failure traces the being of action in neither its intention alone, nor its consequences alone, but in its full occurrence and declaration through every context it bridges" (266).
Essentially, Anatomy of Failure begins with these radical theses. It is an inquiry into the conditions of political action. This investigation is structured through a series of deceptively simple questions--who can act and what are the grounds of action; who is right about what is to be done and what are the criteria for success; and, if you and I split, were we ever united, and to what end? And it seeks its answers in the actuality of revolution and the fury of the awakened state. Although the book, then, confronts Thrasymachus in dialogue with Socrates, and Locke in debate with Hobbes--confronts, in other words, the problem of whether political philosophy has ever really responded to the challenge of disenchanted cynicism, that "might makes right"--Feltham fundamentally aims at the living moment of danger, the febrile autumn of 1647, when the radical alliance of Levellers and agitators within Cromwell's New Model Army came within an ace forming a revolutionary alternative to the conservative parliament of the grandees. The provocation here is bold and confident: to select a failed political action as the frame for the development of an alternative to the typical responses to philosophy to the problem of action, namely, idealization or cynicism, angelism or apology. "There is truth in failure. This book begins in an embrace of failure: the failure of political philosophy to think political action without falling into the bind of angelism or apology; the failure of political action to ever realize the ends it sets itself" (252).
Not that this selection of a specific, failed political action to study is anything like arbitrary. For the beast laid out in this neck of the woods is, of course, Leviathan, or perhaps, Leviathan and Behemoth too, since both parliament and the state are in question. Here, as Feltham reminds us, is the inception of modern political philosophy in its authoritarian (Hobbesian) and liberal (Lockean) versions, emerging from the crucible of the mechanical materialism of the seventeenth century. Right at the heart of the English language social contract tradition, Feltham detects the repression of a radical model of collective politics, or what he calls joint action. "Who can act?" Feltham asks. "For Hobbes, it is explicit: the multitude cannot act, save as resumed in the one, in the sovereign ... For Locke, it is more complicated: ... the collective articulation of action takes the form of one individual joined to one government, each time, giving rise to a bundle of parallel contracts between individuals and the government. In neither Hobbes nor Locke does the collective act." (243-244). In other words, there is a missed turning in the history of political philosophy. In the moment of the formulation of the mechanical materialisms of the seventeenth century, something goes awry between the posing of political action as a problem and its articulation as a contractual doctrine.
Feltham's analysis of the conceptual conditions for this missed turning is by turns illuminating and breath-taking. His erudition ranges effortlessly over the complete works of Hobbes, Locke and Spinoza. He reconstructs, with economy and accuracy, the de-substantialisation of classical conceptions of action and the modern transfer of the ability to act to judicial and political institutions. Henceforth, juridical discourses determine the implications and success of events within the chains of causes and effects, individuating actions but disqualifying collectivities, providing the underlying ground upon which positions as divergent the Hobbesian advocacy of a state church and the Lockean defense of toleration can meet in a shared contractual approach. Yet at the same time, the discourse of Hobbes and Locke teems at crucial points with demonised counter-models and inverted versions of the official models, especially around the questions of "enthusiasm"--seventeenth century parlance for religious militancy--and "factionalism"--the existence of rival claims to exercise institutional judgement. The tensions are at their highest when "faction" breaks into open revolt and challenges the institutional authority of the bodies supposed to guarantee that the right names for political action are issued. And this is exactly the situation of October-November 1647. The critique of the contractual model, then, is framed on the one hand by a historical reconstruction of the moment of the Leveller-Agitator alliance, and on the other hand, by a reconceptualization of joint action that opens up the road not taken in political philosophy.
To be certain, this is a work with its sights fixed firmly on contemporary political problems. That becomes evident once Feltham begins to set forth his model of joint action, the need for which is conditioned by the disappearance of the presumed historical subject of a well-known inverted model of the social contract, along with the breakdown of its historically actualised institutional-juridical correlates. This is a book that is materialist and rationalist--an enlightenment work--yet refreshingly original and strikingly assured. If the influence of Alain Badiou is to be detected, it is at the level of an approach--rigorous, conceptual, detailed--rather than in terms of any sort of "application" or importation. At base, it is a fresh approach to the relation between history and political thought. It is inspired by the return to ontology and the concept of the event, by multiplicity and so forth--yet it is original and analytical. It is a radical work, but entirely free from the fouled sails of the standard invocations--the affirmation of a messianic futurity, the fashionable advocacy of a politics of indeterminacy, vague invocations of undetermined collectivities, hermetic textualism masquerading as emancipatory critique. This is a work whose lines are as hard and clean as they come, and it keeps its edge bright by cleaving to the texture of action itself, to the situation, as Feltham at one point puts it, "in itself".
Between scrupulous respect for the historical record and a detailed grasp of the contemporary historiography around the Putney Debates, on the one side, and a deep knowledge of the origins of modern political philosophy, on the other side, this is a book that keeps its rigging clear. It is sharply written--concise and accessible, yet without condescension, sometimes personal, never scholastic--because it is conscious of being the start of something important. This is a new approach within political philosophy to the imbrication of historical action and philosophical conceptuality, one that refuses the "siren's lure" of the concept of practice, yet responds to some of the same imperatives as the philosophy of praxis. Perhaps it should be described as a cetology of the Leviathan, written from the perspective of sympathy for the harpooner.
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