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This book introduces America to the Black Reconstruction politicians who fought valiantly for the civil rights of all people—important individuals who have been ignored by modern historians as well as their contemporaries.

• Sales Rank: #1301092 in eBooks
• Published on: 2012-10-22
• Released on: 2012-10-22
• Format: Kindle eBook

Review
"To students in the 21st century, it is all too easy to assume that black Americans and the U.S. government remained distanced and estranged from one another until the 1960s, little realizing how much uncertainty and potential existed in the 1860s and 1870s before the dramatic gains of the Civil War and Reconstruction were disassembled. This collection of essays about black lawmakers in Reconstruction offers to perform the valuable service of introducing students to the uncertainty, promise, black agency, and ultimate disappointment that those crucial years held. " (Chandra Manning, Georgetown University)

"In the years following the Civil War, African Americans asserted their claims to freedom by reuniting families, establishing community institutions, seeking economic stability, fighting entrenched racism, and engaging politics, and they did so with grace, fierceness, and courage. In this important two-volume set, Matthew Lynch has assembled an impressive group of contributors who reveal how black politicians during Reconstruction exhibited the best qualities of public leadership despite massive obstacles. Lynch's work is a much needed addition to the scholarship and should help to demystify an often misunderstood and mischaracterized era in American history." (Robert Luckett, PhD, Director, Margaret Walker Center; Assistant Professor, Department of History, Jackson State University)

About the Author

Matthew Lynch is associate professor of education at Langston University, Langston, OK. His published works include It's Time for A Change: School Reform for the Next Decade and A Guide to Effective School Leadership Theories.

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2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Excellent Biographical Essays of African American Politicians during Reconstruction
By Roger D. Launius
This is a very fine two-volume collection of biographical essays on African American politicians serving in both elected and appointed office during the Reconstruction era after the Civil War, 1865-1876. Some 2,000 such individuals attained office in the American South, and some of them reached very high office in Congress or state government. I had some knowledge of a few of these politicians’ careers, such as P.C.S. Pinchback of Louisiana and Robert Brown Elliott of South Carolina. They are ably discussed in essays in this volume. What I also very much enjoyed, however, was learning about a larger number of other black politicians I had not heard of before.

All of the essays are fine contributions that will serve as an excellent resource for students to explore the history of black politicians during the Radical Reconstruction period. I suspect this will become a standard reference work in libraries that will be tapped by college students and some advanced high schoolers. I have no doubt but that this work will be very useful to them.

I was introduced in this collection to the career of John R. Lynch of Mississippi, the individual that attracted the editor to this project in the first place, and there are several essays on aspects of his career by editor Lynch. These are all outstanding and reflect a broad effort that helps to encapsulate an expansive period and a range of issues. I was especially interested, for instance, in the essay on the debate between John R. Lynch and turn of the century gentlemen scholar James Ford Rhodes; his "History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850" appeared in seven volumes between 1893 and 1906. Rhodes’ account of Reconstruction incensed John Lynch, appropriately so, and the two carried on a spirited correspondence over interpretation, truth, and bias. Lynch, who lived until 1939, outlasted Rhodes but never convinced him that this history was inaccurate.

The debate with James Ford Rhodes informs this set of biographical essays on black politicians during Reconstruction in more ways than one. During the first half of the twentieth century the so-called Dunning school dominated the historiography of Reconstruction. William A. Dunning, a professor at Columbia University, trained a large number of historians and all of them approached the story of Reconstruction as a tragic period in which vindictive radical Republicans sought to punish southern whites who had dared to secede from the Union. These Republicans imposed military rule on the South supported by federal troops that kept in power corrupt state regimes led by people from the North called “carpetbaggers” who came to the South at the end of the war for the main chance, southern white “scalawags” who cooperated with them, and ex-slaves. For the Dunningites this represented an inappropriate, even evil, set of actions. Dunning laid out the parameters of this interpretation in "Reconstruction, Political and Economic: 1865–1877" (1907), and his students continued it through a range of state and local histories that emphasized political corruption, racism, and a pro-white Southern perspective.

This became a remarkably powerful interpretation, and dominated the professional historical community until the 1950s. It also informed racist films such as D.W. Griffith’s "Birth of a Nation" (1915) and "Gone with the Wind" (1939) as well as a host of popular historical works such as Claude Bowers’s "The Tragic Era" (1929) and E. Merton Coulter’s "The South During Reconstruction" (1947). It took the rise of the modern Civil Rights movement and reappraisals of Reconstruction springing from that ferment to alter Dunning’s dominant interpretation.

This is an important work that collects very useful biographical essays of African American politicians. These biographical essays focus on their contributions to the remarkable changes that resulted from the Reconstruction era. Not all of them were effective, although many were. What all of them struggled with, however, was an overwhelmingly racist society and all made profound contributions to the creation of a more equitable America.

2 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
The Hobo Philosopher
By Richard E. Noble
“Before Obama”

A Reappraisal of Black Reconstruction Era Politics

Edited by Matthew Lynch

Book Review

By Richard Edward Noble - The Hobo Philosopher

Matthew Lynch is associate professor of education at Langston University in Oklahoma. He is the editor of this two volume, hardcover set of books that was sent to me via Praeger Publications for review.

Mr. Lynch developed an interest in this subject because one of the black politicians covered in these volumes had the same last name as he did.

This personal tie is often the reason behind many of our interests – intellectual and personal.

Black or Afro-American people in the U.S. population have an unfortunate yet unique history.

The U.S. likes to boast upon its ethnic heritage.

We are a country of immigrants.

The Blacks are a part of that immigrant heritage. They are unique in that they were the only immigrants brought here by force. They were brought here against their will and for a horrendous purpose. They were to be bought, sold, traded and to be used by their owners for whatever purposes the owners devised.

This nasty business was called slavery.

The blacks were used as the beast of burden in this disgusting business for two hundred years. They were beaten and abused, bought and sold, and bred as livestock by their owners.

Their bonding as “family” was discouraged and severely handicapped. They were sold as individual units – man, woman, child. Educating them was against U.S. law. The notion being that an educated person would not make a good slave.

Suddenly, around 1820-50 parts of the world simultaneously developed a conscience.

Serfs and slaves in a variety of nations around the world were granted their freedom.

In Russia, England and Europe in general, serfdom and slavery were banished by proclamation. This buying, selling and trading of humans would no longer be tolerated.

But in the U.S. freedom by proclamation just would not do it.

The South would not give up their slaves. Their slaves represented financial investment. They were “property” and vital to the southern economy, it was claimed.

Of course, this same claim was made in Russia and Europe and by any slave or serf dominated culture.

In the North a liberal, reformist political party sprung up. They called themselves Republicans.

They called slavery an abomination. They claimed that it was not only against the Constitution and the law of the land but against the law of God besides. It must be done away with at whatever the cost.

The cost would be war between the States of the Union. More Americans would be killed in this war than in all of other U.S. wars combined.

In this war it would be Americans citizens killing other American citizens.

When the dust settled and the smoke cleared and all the bodies were removed and dragged from the various battlefields, it was the North and the reformist Republicans who had won the war.

And this is where this two volume compilation of biographies begins.

The period immediately after the war between the states is called the Reconstruction Era.
It lasted about a decade.

During this Reconstruction period the Southern black population was to be given the opportunity of participating in the American democracy.

For the first time in the history of black Americans they were to be considered equal and worthy to take their place in the American political system.

That was the theory … the hope.

The reality would be quite another story.

In this set of books we are introduced to a number of black men who had the courage, the intellect and the genius to push their way into the hardcore Southern political system.

Nevertheless, they were put down throughout the South and all their efforts would be forgotten and the old, traditional Southern white political domination would once again rule the South.

In standard history books of the past this time of black opportunity in the South was considered squandered because of the ineptitude of the blacks themselves.

Most of the old history books, including many that I have read, will credit the loss of black political opportunity during the Reconstruction period due to the ignorance, inability, and basic corrupt nature of the southern black population. They will usually throw into the mix some corrupt, self-seeking black and white “carpetbaggers” and “scallywags.” This is an easy explanation to accept given the facts of slavery and the condition of the Southern slave population.

The purpose of these two volumes of essays on black Southern politicians of this era is to cast some light and maybe a little truth into this false or at least incomplete historical stereotype.

Henry Ford said that “History was bunk.” I don’t agree that all history is bunk, some is and some isn’t. But bunk or no bunk, history certainly is a matter of perspective. In these two volumes the reader is exposed to a perspective much unlike the standard version.

The essays in these volumes are all written by academics at one level or another and their numerous sources are listed following each essay.

All of the black politicians considered in this work were Republicans. But their Republicanism is to be distinguished from the Republican of today.

During this period of American history, politics and politicians are pretty much reversed. The conservative party was the Democratic Party and the liberal, reformist party was the Republican Party.

In volume one Thomas Walls is one I particularly liked. I found Franklin Long also to be quite an extraordinary guy – though all the selected subjects in this work can be considered extraordinary. And P.B.S. Pinchbeck I thought led a vibrant and courageous political life.

Black History, I place in the category alongside the history of the American Labor Movement. I put them in the same category because in my opinion they are both obscure and remain a mystery. Both areas are ripe for scholarship and serious research and investigation.

Volume II starts with a bang. In the first sketch we are introduced to Robert Brown Elliott.

Mr. Elliott was raised and educated in England. He settled in South Carolina shortly after the war between the states came to an end. This man’s portrait and amazing career ranks beside that of Frederick Douglas. He was an astounding speaker and advocate for racial equality. His life story certainly deserves greater exposure as does all those contained in these volumes.

The second volume closes with Robert Smalls. He was certainly a brave and outspoken champion of the principles of democracy and the part his people should have been allowed to play in that democracy.

What can be said about one man in this book can be said about them all. They were all truly admirable, well spoken, brave individuals – far from the ignorant, troublesome stereotype. They put their lives on the line to fight for their people.

Andrew Johnson is made out to be a hero and a peacemaker in many of the conventional books I have read. He would reunite the North and the South. He would forgive and forget.

Well, he forgave the secessionist revolutionaries and forget the long suffering a persecuted slave. His amnesty to the confederates not only undermined the reconstruction of the South but made a mockery of the Civil War in general. He was a Southern Democrat himself, of course.

If the U.S. was just going to give the South back to the white secessionists, one must surely ask why this war was fought in the first place.

It seems that after all the killing was over the blacks were completely forgotten, not by Andrew Johnson alone, but by the Republican North as well. And when Rutherford B. Hayes (a Civil War General) removed the northern troops from the South as a part of a very controversial deal on his becoming president, the game was over. The blacks were left to battle the Klu Klux Klan and other armed and dangerous white militias, and para-military organizations. Slavery had technically ended but inequality reigned supreme. The thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments were passed assuring freedom, equal treatment under the law and the blacks right to vote. But with no army and no enforcement, these amendments were not only ignored but undermined and cast off by the hateful, revenge filled, white, Southern population. The Blacks didn’t stand a chance.

But for ten or twelve years the men outlined in these pages made their gallant attempts, via the peaceful democratic process, to make the South a better place for everyone.

I was not aware of the freed black population that played such a valiant part in this attempted reconstruction period. To be truthful, I was not aware of much of what I read in these two volumes. I had never read about any of these people and their American struggle.

These two volumes do exactly what history books are supposed to do – stimulate the reader and present to him new areas to explore and investigate.

This project has caused a good deal of reflecting and thinking.

This is a sad story for white America and has been for hundreds of years.

Certainly a lot happened before Obama, as the title implies, but the connection is not belabored.

Most of us think of the 50’s and 60’s when we think of black history. But black history goes back to the very origins of the colonies where this whole experiment began.

I am most amazed at the democratic spirit of the blacks outlined here. That even after two hundred years of abuse and persecution as slaves, they were still able to find the dream in the words of the American Constitution and make the honest attempt to become a part of it. Today, another one hundred and fifty years more has passed … and the struggle continues.

That to me is what boggles the mind.

1 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Goal Achieved, but That's All
By Alan Dale Daniel
Before Obama has a laudable goal: to correct the history of black politicians during the era of Reconstruction. Mr. Lynch and the contributors to these volumes argue that elected black leaders during the 1870s and 1880s have been lied about or ignored and they intend to correct this problem. The book is a collection of essays from professors of history and political science who have solid credentials and have the request ability to research accurately. While each essay normally covers a different person some do repeat, usually because the lives of the individuals involved overlap or there is a special interest in reviewing a portion of that person’s life in more detail (The Lynch-Rhodes debate for example).

The book does achieve its goal of showing that many black politicians were intelligent and handled their responsibilities well; however, the book achieves little else.

Before Obama badly needs a summary of the Reconstruction period of American history. The Editor and all the writers obviously have a deep background in Reconstruction and assume the reader has a full grasp of the era as well. The Editor needs to abandon that idea and include an overview of the situation in the South in the Reconstruction era. The current format fails to put the reader into the time as the people are handled piecemeal and not in chronological order resulting in confusion without some unifying chapters.

A table is needed showing how many black legislators were in office and where on a yearly basis, and what their major legislative achievements were. At least the most prominent legislators, or the ones covered in the book, could be shown.

Before Obama fails to show the massive confusion falling upon the South as the war ended. The North freed the slaves without a plan and with no thought about what the nation would do with millions of people thrown out of work and onto the countryside. While black leaders were striving to gain the vote and other political rights the average black or poor white faced starvation. The North had totally destroyed the Southern economy; thus, the blacks were released into a world of chaos.

The blacks then became political pawns. As the Democrats regained political power the Republicans panicked and started courting white votes. When the Democrats gained a firm hand in Washington with the Wilson administration Republicans backed away from fighting for the blacks. The Republicans had bet the farm on the black vote and lost. It should be noted the Republicans had lost the battle for the South long before Wilson took office, but he was the final signpost leading to Jim Crow.

Before Obama contends that the Republican Party abandon blacks (Vol 1, chp 8, and Vol 1 page 241). On page 41 Mr. Patler states that the federal government seemed no longer interested in protecting black lives by the 1880s; however, it is obvious the Republicans were losing power. Several of the black leaders covered in this book turned against the Republicans over the issue of hard money. Even the Republicans realized troops could not be stationed in the South forever, and that was the way the Republicans retained control. After Hayes-Tilden in 1877 it was hopeless. None of this is covered in the essays.

The Editor could have chosen better examples of intelligent black men. For some reason there is an extensive exposition on Mr. Pinchback who took a bribe and was probably involved in illegal voting. The Editor also chose the Lynch-Rhodes debates for coverage when the opening remarks of Mr. Lynch (the black legislator) in the correspondence were far from scholarly. The correspondence itself, quoted at length, is tedious. Mr. R. Elliott (Vol 2) seems to have been part of a corrupt Republican machine in S. Carolina (Vol 2, page 2, 9 essay by Mr. Morris). Certainly it is better to admit problems, but to include such fellows in a list of the best black politicians seems odd.

The book’s writers all assume the goals of the black legislators, gaining more government protection and subsidies, were legitimate. When they do not deliver they are excused, but the goals were clear – more government from Washington DC. Was that the answer to the problems of the black race in Reconstruction? Many of the men covered fought for better schools and social conditions, but they all seemed to want money from Washington. It was Washington that destroyed the South, but the North had no real interest in spending money to rebuild the destroyed economy of the South. Many in the North thought that the South had asked for war and now they had to live with the results. The North did not seem to equate the plight of the blacks with the economic destruction of the South. None of the authors in this book seem to be cognizant of this. The Southern “redeemers”, who are not discussed enough, took back a destroyed land after the North ignored Southern economic destruction or tried to take undue advantage of it for their personal gain.

Finally, the book spends far too much time on legislative legerdemain concerning seating legislators in Washington or gaining patronage. As a result the stories are dull. For a wide variety of writers they turn out amazingly similar and uninteresting prose. Learn from David Kennedy (Over Here) and Antony Beevor (2d World War) and put in personal side stories to hold the reader’s interest. See Fateful Lighting by Guelzo on the Civil War and Reconstruction. On the war itself see The Battle Cry of Freedom.

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